It is a great honor for me to represent the United States at the ASEAN post-ministerial Conference. Secretaty Christopher regrets very much that he cannot be here, but he looks forward to meeting again with many of you at the United Nations General Assembly in September and then again when he accompanies President Clinton to Jakarta in November.

On behalf of the entire United States delegation, especially Joan Spero, our Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, and Ambassador Winston Lord, our Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, I would like to thank His Majesty King Bhumibol, Prime Minister Chuan, Foreign Minister Prasong and the people of Thailand for holding this event. We could not ask for more gracious hosts.

Earlier this month, President Clinton called for a renewal of the great post-World War II institutions of global cooperation. He asked the leaders of these institutions to focus on "what we want the world to look like 20 years from now, and what we must do to get there."

Today, I would like to amplify on the President's proposal for expanding and strengthening the architecture of international cooperation, and to emphasize the United States' commitment to the work already underway in Asia to develop new foundations for peace, prosperity and democracy in the region.

We see ASEAN to be at the heart of these promising efforts. Since its birth in 1967, ASEAN has shown a capacity to evolve and expand to meet changing needs and circumstances. The range of issues considered by ASEAN has grown to encompass almost all areas of policy, from international refugees to drug trafficking to trade liberalization and transportation to regional and international security. Quite appropriately, the range of participants in ASEAN Forums has grown as well. The meeting of the ASEAN Regional Forum yesterday was a historic event With a membership expanded to include China, Laos, Papua New Guinea, Russia and Vietnam, yesterday's gathering was the region's first broadly inclusive security dialogue.

My colleagues and I were extremely impressed by the depth and scope of the discussion -- impressed, but not surprised, for I had a similar reaction to the ASEAN-U.S. Dialogue that took place in Washington this past May. That earlier meeting grappled with a wide range of economic and political issues, including "out-of-area" subjects such as the Middle East and Bosnia.

This year in Washington, for the first time the Trade and Investment Coordinating Committee joined in the Dialogue. As a result, many senior representatives from the private sector, both from ASEAN and the U.S., were able to participate.

ASEAN's role in promoting discussion and cooperation in both the public and private sectors will be needed more and more as communities in Asia -- and throughout the world become increasingly interdependent.

As we approach the 21st century, we face a range of problems that spill across national boundaries. These include population issues, the potential for the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, illicit drug production and trafficking, the spread of AIDS and other diseases, and environmental degradation. Underlying these transnational problemsis ourneedto manage the global revolution in technology, communications, and transportation in a manner that supports economic growth. While these new technologies will help us cope with the problems I have just mentioned, they will also stimulate great changes in our societies and in our patterns of dealing with one another. Whether we like it or not, currents of commerce, technology and culture are carrying us towards a common destiny of economic integration. If we continue and improve upon, our cooperative efforts in Asia and beyond, we will be able to realize the benefits of prosperity and social development for all our people.

Last July, in Tokyo, President Clinton pledged that the United States would work with our allies and friends to create a "new Pacific Community" based on three shared commitments: to security; to economic growth; and to democratic values. In light of my President's recent call for a renewal of our bilateral and multilateral partnerships, I would like to assess with you the progress we have made over the past twelve months in each of these three areas, and then discuss where we might go from here.

The end of the Cold War has created historic opportunities for reducing tensions. Russia, seen until recently as a leading threat to regional security in Asia, is now on a reformism course, including in its relations with other states. This spring, my government reached a historic agreement with Vietnam to establish liaison offices in Hanoi and Washington, ensure the fullest possible accounting of Americans missing in action, and begin the process of broadening the relationship between our two countries.

However, as President Clinton reaffirmed last July in Seoul, "We must always remember that security comes first." The United States will stand by our commitment to security in the Pacific in peacetime, no less than we did in the three wars in Asia in which Americans have fought and died in this century. Today, our five treaty alliances -- with Japan, Korea, Australia, Thailand, and the Philippines are the linchpins of that commitment. Our forward-deployed military presence provides a strong framework for addressing the region's most pressing security concerns.

None of these security concerns is more urgent than North Korea's nuclear program. North Korea's refusal to accept constraints on its nuclear program endangers South Korea, Japan, and other nations in Northeast Asia. It raises the specter of a destabilizing nuclear arms race in the region. And it threatens the spread of nuclear materials to outlaw regimes such as those in Iran and Iraq. North Korea's withdrawal from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty would weaken one of the globalstructures most necessary to counter proliferation.

Together with our treaty partners and the international community, we have been working to promote North Korean compliance with its non-proliferation obligations. We initiated a third round of discussions with North Korea in Geneva to persuade it to remain in the Non-Proliferation Treaty, to accept full-scope safeguards, and to implement the North-South Denuclearization Declaration. We haveagreed with North Korea to resume the third round on August 5.

We will continue this patient diplomatic effort. But if North Korea seeks to use dialogue as a diversion, we are prepared to move the issue back to the Security Council, to pursue sanctions, and to take whatever steps appropriate to resolve the issue.

North Korea's nuclear program highlights the wider threat posed by the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The United States has led efforts to conclude the Chemical Weapons Convention) to institute a nuclear testing moratorium, to negotiate a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, to achieve the indefinite and unconditional extension of the NPT,and to negotiate a cut-off in the production of fissile material for weapons.

But fighting proliferation is no longer the sole responsibility of a handful of powers. Many countries in Asia and elsewhere can produce the chemicals, electronics, and other material sought by would-be weapons states. We call on Asian nations to play their rightful role in joining and enforcing nonproliferation regimes.

Conventional weapons can have a powerful destabilizing effect as well. Therefore the United States looks forward to working closely with your countries to build strong export control systems and policies to prevent dangerous transfers to countries and regions of concern.

Another security challenge we face is the need for stronger tools for preventive diplomacy and peacemaking. The nations around this table, especially the member states of ASEAN, have demonstrated their commitment to help the Cambodian people end decades of violence and take charge of their future. Despite continuing problems, Cambodia has made great strides in the last year. The free election last year and the establishment of a coalition government give us hope that a lasting peace is possible. But Cambodians will be unable to recover from the tragedies of their past without sustained assistance. All of our nations must stay engaged in Cambodia, through the international Conference on the Reconstruction of Cambodia, by supporting the democratically-elected government and by cutting ofall ties with the Khmer Rouge.

A looming security challenge in this region lies in the South China Sea. The United States takes no position on the territorial claims, but we strongly oppose the use of force to resolve them. We support the efforts, led by Indonesia, for peaceful settlement and the development of resources.

In regard to the potential security problems of the future, the creation of the ASEAN Regional Forum is a promising development In the years to come, we believe that this Regional Forum can play an historic role in conveying intentions, easing suspicions, building confidence, and, ultimately, averting conflicts.

Last November in Seattle, the leaders of the Asia-Pacific communities, representing almost half the world's GNP, made history by meeting to face a common challenge: how to sustain and promote the dynamism that has enabled their economies to grow and their peoples to prosper.

The United States is committed to APEC as a catalyst for economic cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region, and we continue to regard ASEAN as s being at the core of APEC.

Cabinet-level meetings this year of APECs finance, trade,and environmental ministers are encouraging examples of the extensive consultation that are developing among APEC nations. We applaud the progress made under Indonesia's leadership and look forward to this year's Ministerial and Leaders'meetings in Indonesia.

Under President Soeharto's leadership, we will strengthen APECs mandate to liberalize trade and investment, forge new linkages in vital sectors such as telecommunications, and spur private sector activity throughout the region.

APEC is a model for the kind of regional organization that is needed in our global economy. Although, APEC and NAFTA are very different in composition and structure, they both serve to open up a vast region's economy to the rest of the world. For us, that is key. regional groupings are a positive development if they look outward and open doors rather than look inward and build walls.

Of course, the greatest "opener" of all is GATT because it is truly global. The Seattle meeting of APEC helped generate the final push needed to conclude the Uruguay Round, a step that was overwhelmingly in the best interest of us all, We share an interest in opening markets, stimulating growth, and creating jobs. Now we must meet our responsibilities as great trading nations to approve the agreement this year.

Let me say frankly that moving the necessary legislation for GATT through the US Congress, will not be easy. But the Clinton Administration is fully committed to doing so this year. We understand that some of you face similar difficulties. It is important that each of us succeeds in persuading our domestic constituencies of the importance of establishing the new World Trade Organization. At the beginning of the postwar period, our predecessors failed to ratify an agreement to create an international trade organization. We should not make the same mistake again. The benefits of the Uruguay Round for the Asia-Pacific region, for the Untied States, and for the global economy must not be deferred or denied.

The new World Trade Organization should work with other international organizations, such as the ILO, to pursue open markets and free trade. They need to address both traditional business and new trade issues such as trade and the environment,labor standards, competition policy and investment. Working together, we must develop common cooperative and multilateral approaches to these issues. Above all, we must ensure that our common efforts promote open trade, growth and social development, not protectionism.

If open markets and open sea lanes promote prosperity and security in the Pacific, so, too, do open societies. The microchip and the modem, the fax machine and the photocopier, international telephone and computer networks are the lifeblood of modem business. Economies are stifled when citizens must fight the state to own and use these machines. Societies and political systems must be open if they are to thrive. Business people from Singapore to San Francisco may speak different languages, but they agree that enterprise thrives and prosperity flows when ideas and information are exchanged freely. They know the rule of law protects investment, just as a free press helps keep corruption in check.

Democracy is a powerful resource in our common quest for stability. The historical record is clear., democracies are less likely to squander the lives of their people in wars of aggression; they are less likely to practice terrorism, or to peddle narcotics or to produce refugees.

In recent months, there has been much written that highlights differences between East and West over human rights. While not denying that differences exist, I think it is important for all of us to acknowledge where we do agree. All of us want to be treated with dignity by our governments. There is no cultural justification for torture or tyranny.

It is against the backdrop of that basic truth that, two years ago, the people of Thailand affirmed their desire for democratic government; and that last year, Cambodian farmers and monks and former soldiers crossed mine fields and defied election-day death-threats -- for one simple reason: to vote. The people of Burma hope their regime will restore democracy and release Aung San Suu Kyi. We share and support that hope.

The United States will promote political openness without arrogance or apology. We will do so with respect for every nation's sovereignty and uniqueness, while maintaining a firm commitment to universal values and aspirations.

I thank you for hearing me out on these matters and welcome the opportunity to listen to views on the range of issues before us. The institutions that will carry us into the next century must be nurtured by consultation and consensus, at meetings such as this one.