The events of the past year in the Asia- Pacific region have shown that our region has fared much better that most others in coming to terms with the more fluid security situation that characterizes the immediate post-Cold War era. Part of the secret of our success has been the fact that our region has made considerable progress in developing habits of dialogue and cooperation on difficult issues, and in developing effective processes for economic cooperation.
In the area of peace and security, if we do a quick balance sheet, then on the positive side we have a number of clear examples of the benefits of a cooperative regional approach. l would first mention the successful conclusion to the Cambodian peace process, which has been an achievement of which we can all feel proud, demonstrating as it does the practicability and value of building a regional consensus on security-related issues. There have also been the gratifying number of signatures of the Chemicals Weapons Convention by countries of the region; the further steps which have been taken - in which ASEAN is playing an important part- to reintegrate Vietnam both into the region and the international community; and, following some effective concerted action by regional partners, the defusing of the recent tensions associated with Korea's announced intention to withdraw from the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Another positive development has been the welcome reaffirmation by the new United States Administration of its commitment to the Asia-Pacific region and its intention to remain engaged with it, through multilateral processes as well as its traditional alliance relationships.
Of course, while developments have been generally positive, it must be acknowledged that tile region is not wholly immune from conflict and sources of potential concern. On the negative side of the balance sheet we still have the unresolved and unhappy situation in Burma, with the clearly expressed desire of the Burmese people for democratic processes no closer to recognition than was the case a year ago. Again, there are a number of substantial differences which remain unresolved in respect of the Spratly Islands. And the North Korea nuclear question is still by no means finally resolved.
There is still a need, accordingly, to move the game forward; to find new and more effective ways - both in our region and globally - to preserve and promote security. National and regional conflicts outside our own part of the world have certainly not diminished in either number or intensity. As the distressing situations in Bosnia and Somalia show all too clearly, international mechanisms have not been as effective as they might have been in dealing with the post-Cold War challenges to security. No single government can be expected to contain, let alone resolve, the enormous range of security-related
problems that now confront the world community. If there is to be a meaningful response, it can only be one based on a cooperative approach, with governments tackling these problems - at least those that are capable of being tackled-on a cooperative, multilateral basis.
The UN Secretary-General has raised many of these issues in his report of last year- An Agenda for Peace, which points the way towards an enhanced and better-defined role for the UN in seeking to both prevent and resolve serious conflicts and crises. But Agenda for Peace did only point the way, and a great deal of further analytical work needs to be done to define what are the proper scope and limits of the UN's role, and that of regional organizations and the international community generally, in relation to the whole range of strategies potentially available to deal with international peace and security problems; enforcement strategies ( like sanctions and peace enforcement ), assistance strategies ( like peace- making and peacekeeping ) but above all preventive and peace-building strategies addressing the problems at their source.
In the Asia-Pacific region, habits of cooperative security are already strongly evident, and gradually becoming more systematically organised. One of the best current examples of preventive diplomacy at work is the continuing series of workshops and working groups on the South China Sea issue that had been convened by Indonesia with these efforts reinforced by the important inter- governmental Declaration on the South China Sea made at last year's ASEAN Ministerial Meeting (AMM). An important further development has been the rapid increase in recent years of "second track" dialogue forums on strategic and political issues, involving non-government as well as government participants. A helpful initiative in better coordinating the flow of such activity may prove to be the recent establishment of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia Pacific (CSCAP); this is a development which Australia welcomes.
We also welcome the initiation by Malaysia of a forum specially focusing on regional defence planning - the Asia Pacific Dialogue for Cooperation, Peace and Security, held in Kuala Lumpur last month - and look forward to this exercise being repeated.
Unquestionably, the most important regional development in this area has been the emergence of a consolidated process of dialogue on security issues based on this ASEAN PMC, flowing from the far- reaching decision of the 1992 ASEAN Summit.
In the middle of last year we saw, arid applauded, the accession of Vietnam and Laos to the Bali Treaty. We are encouraged by the further consideration which ASEAN is now giving, following this year's AMM, to how the Bali Treaty might be further developed as a vehicle for enhancing regional security, by provision being made for other countries to either accede to it or in some other way embrace its principles.
And we have now had Russia, China, Vietnam, Laos and PNG participating in our own ASEAN PMC discussion, informally over dinner last night but with the intention next year of their becoming members, formally, as a new ASEAN Regional Forum. The creation of the ASEAN Regional Forum - a direct result of the first ASEAN Senior Officials Meeting to involve officials from the PMC Dialogue Partners, which was itself a significant development - will be an historic milestone on the path to building effective dialogue and cooperative security processes in the reunion. This is a development which Australia has been advocating for some time and, needless to say, one which we now very warmly welcome.
Important though these aspects of improving prospects for regional security in the broad sense may be, there have been other developments of similar importance during the past year. In parallel with the development of a regional security dialogue based on the ASEAN PMC, we are also witnessing the rapid evolution of an Asia Pacific economic community based on APEC.
The development in APEC, with support from the recently established Eminent Persons Group, of a policy agenda for regional trade liberalisation and facilitation has been particularly encouraging and a positive indication of APEC's value as a forum for practical cooperation on major issues of importance to us all. In this regard, Prime Minister Keating has put forward some far-reaching proposals, which I would commend to your attention, for the further development of APEC as an integrated regional market, liberalizing and increasing trade within the Asia Pacific in a way which serves the interests of all members and is compatible with a sound multilateral trading system.
At the same time, however, we all recognise that the most immediately important item on the international economic agenda remains the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round this year. A successful conclusion will be of enormous benefit globally and to the Asia Pacific region, and will underpin our efforts to develop regional cooperation. We would see APEC as having a significant role to play in building on the outcome of the Round.
We are all aware of President Clinton's proposal for an informal meeting of APEC leaders at the same time as the next APEC Ministerial Meeting is held in Seattle in November . This is an initiative which my own Government has warmly commended, not least for the way in which, as Prime Minister Keating has put it, it would be likely to contribute "horsepower" to the process of further economic integration in the region. It is certainly pleasing that there do not now appear to be serious obstacles to that meeting proceeding.
The development of APEC should not, of course, be seen as detracting from the role that can be played by sub-regional arrangements. We welcome the establishment of AFTA, and ASEAN's intention to develop it in a manner consistent with a free and open multilateral trading system.
I have concentrated today on the parallel developments within our region in the security and economic fields, which have their own agendas but are strongly complementary. Each contributes to the other. The simple fact is that the region needs both a stable political and security environment based on cooperation and mutual trust, as well as the benefits which closer cooperation and integration will bring.
Hard-headed self-interest, in addition to genuine concern to improve the prospects for peace, security and economic well-being of the countries and peoples of the region dictate that all of us continue to contribute to the processes of regional security dialogue and economic cooperation.
Australia's commitment to the region is, I believe, now clear to you all. I have spoken of it often enough to you all, either individually or collectively. And the Labor Government of which I am a member was recently re-elected on a platform one of whose most prominent elements was accent on Australia's vision of its place in an Asia Pacific future. That vision remains firmly before us, as does our desire to share that future with all of our neighbors in an environment of peace and security in all its manifestations.